GREAT  SPEECH 


OF    THE 


HON,  GEORGE  MIFFLIN  DALLAS, 


UPON  THE  LEADING   TOPICS  OF  THE   DAY, 


DELIVERED  AT  PITTSBURGH,  PA., 


WITH 


A  BRIEF  BIOGRAPHICAL   SKETCH, 


.?  &c. 


PHILADELPHIA: 

TIMES  AND  KEYSTONE  JOIi  OKKI"'K,   NO.  32  SOUTH  THIRD  STREET. 


Bancroft  Library 


BIOGRAPHICAL    SKETCH. 


GEORGE  MIFFLIN  DALLAS  was  born  in  the  City  of  Philadelphia,  on 
the  10th  of  July,  1792;  is  now  nearly  56  years  of  age ;  has  never  re- 
sided out  of  Philadelphia,  except  when  abroad  in  a  public  capacity ; 
married  in  1816,  and  has  seven  children  and  three  grand-children.  His 
only  son  is  a  practitioner  at  the  Bar. 

His  father,  Alexander  James  Dallas,  was  the  distinguished  Secretary 
of  the  Treasury  of  the  United  States,  under  President  Madison.  He 
derived  the  name  of  Mifflin  from  his  godfather,  Governor  Thomas  Mifflin, 
so  conspicuous  in  the  Revolutionary  war,  and  so  long  pre-eminently  popu- 
lar with  the  Democracy  of  Pennsylvania. 

He  was  educated,  at  a  school  in  Germantown  kept  by  Mr.  Ely,  at 
another  by  Mr.  Hobson,  at  another  by  Mr.  Andrews  a  Greek  and  Latin 
scholar,  at  the  Friends'  School  in  Fourth  street,  at  the  University  of 
Pennsylvania,  and  finally,  after  more  than  three  years  of  study,  he  gra- 
duated with  the  highest  honors  at  Princeton  College  in  1810.  He  pre- 
pared himself  for  the  Bar  in  the  office  of  his  father,  the  late  Alexander 
James  Dallas,  and  was  admitted  to  its  practice  in  May,  1813,  just  after 
entering  a  volunteer  company,  and  before  he  left  the  United  States  as 
Private  Secretary  to  Albert  Gallatin,  on  the  mission  which  closed  with 
the  treaty  of  Ghent. 

He  made  his  first  appearance  as  an  active  Democratic  politician  in  the 
year  1815,  siding  enthusiastically  with  the  Jefferson  and  Madison  school 
ardently  vindicating  the  war  and  its  advocates,  and  unsparingly  con- 
demning the  Hartford  Convention  and  factious  Federalism.  He  fear- 
lessly encountered,  as  a  prompt  speaker  and  writer,  the  speeches,  letters, 
and  resolutions,  which  the  leading  Federalists  in  almost  every  county  of 
the  State  were  then  pouring  out  against  "Jim  Madison  and  his  War" 
and  which  they  continued  to  pour  out,  until  a  rectified  and  indignant  popu- 
lar opinion  silenced  them.  He  was  remarkable  in  his  political  exertions, 
for  invariably  addressing  himself  to  the  Democrats  of  the  interior  of  Penn- 
sylvania, seeming  to  regardthe  city  as  incurably  hostile  to  his  principles. 

He  was  the  champion  of  William  Findlay,  at  his  election  for  Governor, 


(4) 

in  1817,  and  stood  by  him  unflinchingly  when  assailed  by  faction  in 
the  Legislature  ;  he  volunteered  as  his  counsel  before  the  celebrated  Com- 
mittee of  Inquiry,  by  whose  eloquent  and  unanswerable  report,  that  true 
and  sterling  Democrat  was  triumphantly  acquitted.  [It  will  be  remember- 
ed that  our  present  excellent  Chief  Magistrate,  Francis  R.  Shunk,  mar- 
ried a  daughter  of  Governor  Findlay.] 

On  the  failure  to  re-elect  Governor  Findlay  in  1820,  Mr.  Dallas  in- 
stantly resigned  the  public  office  he  held  as  Deputy  Prosecuting  Attorney, 
and  divided  his  time  between  bis  profession  and  the  preparations  of  the 
Democracy  to  regain  their  ascendency.  At  the  Convention  held  in  Har- 
rislMirg  in  the  spring  of  1823,  as  a  Delegate  from  the  city,  he  was  author- 
i/i-d  to  withdraw,  and  did  withdraw,  the  name  of  his  friend,  Samuel  D. 
Inirham,  from  the  canvass — co-operating  zealously  to  produce  entire 
harmony  in  the  ranks  of  his  party,  by  the  nomination  of  John  Andrew 
Shultz,  who  was  subsequently  elected  by  a  majority  exceeding  twenty- 
five  thousand.  At  this  election,  the  Federal  candidate  was  fiercely  sus- 
tained by  all  the  opponents  of  the  war  of  1812. 

National  politics  were  now  becoming  interesting.  Mr.  Dallas  was  an 
admirer  of  the  distinguished  author  of  the  war  of  1812,  John  C.  Calhoun, 
and  only  yielded  this  preference  to  the  suddenly  started,  but  irresistible 
claims  of  Andrew  Jackson,  for  the  Presidency.  At  a  celebrated  and 
overflowing  town  meeting,  held  for  the  City  and  County  of  Philadelphia, 
at  which  a  Republican  patriot  presided,  he  secured  the  unanimity  of  the 
Democratic  Party  of  Pennsylvania,  by  "striking  the  flag"  of  the  emi- 
nent Statesman  of  South  Carolina  for  the  first  office,  and  impressively 
nominating  him  for  the  Vice  Presidency,  and  by  hoisting  the  banner  of 
the  Hero  of  New  Orleans ;  this  remarkable  movement,  done  with  the 
knowledge  and  assent  of  Mr.  Calhoun,  was  hailed  throughout  the  State 
and  Union  with  acclamation. 

Mr.  Dallas  instantly  took  ground,  in  1824,  against  the  coalition  of 
Adams  and  Clay,  by  which  the  proper  choice  of  Jackson  was  defeated, 
nml  though  indcfatigably  engaged  in  the  labors  of  his  profession,  his  ef- 
forts were  unremitted  to  prepare  the  way  for  the  great  victory  achiev- 
ed in  1828;  that  victory  even  fora  time,  swept  Federalism  from  the 
Corporation  of  Philadelphia,  and,  bearing  Mr.  Dallas  on  its  surge, 
elected  him  Mayor  of  the  City— in  this  post,  however,  he  remained  but 
about  six  months,  receiving  from  General  Jackson  soon  after  his  inaugu- 
ration, the  commission  of  United  States  District  Attorney. 

In  December,  1831,  Mr.  Dallas  was  chosen  by  the  Legislature  to  fill 

at  made  vacant  by  the  death  of  Isaac  D.  Barnard,  in  the  Senate  of 

the  United  States ;  and  at  the  expiration  of  his  term,  in  the  spring  of 


1833,  he  peremptorily  declined  re-election,  on  the  single  ground  that, 
being  without  hereditary  or  other  fortune,  his  domestic  duties  forbade  his 
exclusive  devotion  to  those  of  a  public  nature.  Governor  Wolf,  who  had 
succeeded  Governor  Shultz  in  the  executive  chair  of  Pennsylvania,  im- 
mediately offered  him  the  appointment  of  Attorney  General,  and  this, 
being  perfectly  consistent  with  his  private  pursuits,  he  accepted,  and  re- 
tained until  the  election  of  Joseph  Ritner,  when  he  resigned  it. 

In  1837  President  Van  Buren  tendered  to  him,  unexpectedly,  the  Mis- 
sion to  Russia,  whither  he  went,  and  where  he  remained  until  late  in  the 
fall  of  1839.  He  returned  again  vigorously  to  the  practice  of  the  law, 
and,  declining  the  post  of  Attorney  General  of  the  United  States,  prof- 
fered to  him  on  the  lamented  death  of  Felix  Grundy,  he  would  have  re- 
mained in  the  industrious  pursuit  of  personal  and  domestic  independence, 
though  never  neglectful  of  the  interests  and  honor  of  the  great  political 
family  to  which  he  always  belonged,  had  he  not  been  summoned,  by  the 
nomination  of  the  Baltimore  Convention  and  by  the  election  of  the  people, 
in  1844,  to  fill  the  post  he  now  occupies  of  Vice  President. 

His  course  of  action  as  President  of  the  Senate  is  well  known  to  the 
American  people.  His  opinions,  as  a  statesman  and  politician,  have  been 
frankly  declared  on  all  proper  occasions,  He  has  harmonized  with  the 
administration  of  James  K.  Polk  to  the  full  extent  of  all  its  great  mea- 
sures of  Democratic  policy — the  Tariff,  the  Constitutional  Treasury,  the 
War — but  he  remained  unchanged  in  favor  of  asserting  our  right  to  the 
whole  of  Oregon  as  clear  and  unquestionable.  As  for  the  Tariff  of  1846, 
so  was  he  ready  to  make  effective  the  will  of  the  people  by  giving,  if 
necessary,  the  casting  vote  for  54  40,  for  the  War,  and  for  the  Constitu- 
tional Treasury. 


GREAT    SPEECH 

OF    THE 

HON.  GEORGE  MIFFLIN  DALLAS, 

UPON    THE    LEADING    TOPICS    OF    THE    DAY, 
Delivered  in  Pittsburgh,  Sept.  18,  1847. 


FELLOW-CITIZENS  : 

I  had  hoped  that  I  might  be  excused,  on  the  occasion  of  my 
present  tour  into  the  western  part  of  my  native  State,  from  making  any 
public  speeches  whatever.  For  upwards  of  forty  years,  my  sentiments, 
and  sympathies,  and  political  acts  have  been  with  the  Democracy  of 
Pennsylvania,  in  all  their  trials,  their  difficulties)  and  their  successes.  My 
sentiments  upon  all  the  important  questions  which  claimed  their  attention, 
have  therefore  become  known  to  all  who  are  conversant  with  the  politics 
of  our  State  and  our  country.  I  am,  however,  called  upon  to  speak  to 
you  upon  important  subjects  now  claiming  the  attention  of  the  country ; 
and  do  not  feel  that  I  have  a  right  to  refuse.  I  might  truly  urge  as  an 
excuse  for  not  making  any  public  addresses,  the  fact,  that  this  tour  has 
been  undertaken,  solely  and  exclusively  with  a  view  to  pny  a  family 
visit ;  but,  having  come  into  your  vicinity,  and  the  citizens  of  Pittsburgh 
having  kindly  extended  to  me  an  invitation  to  visit  their  city,  to  partake 
of  their  generous  hospitality,  and  witness  the  state  of  circumstances  sur- 
rounding them,  I  with  pleasure  comply  with  the  present  call  upon  me. 

I  have  understood  that  the  corporate  seal  of  the  city  of  Pittsburgh  is 
made  up  of  the  coat  of  arms  of  the  celebrated  Earl  of  Chatham,  who 
has  been  known  as  the  most  distinguished  and  ardent  friend  of  the  Ameri- 
can cause,  in  the  time  of  our  first  stiuggle  for  independence.  But  there 
has  been  suggested  to  my  mind,  on  coming  to  your  city,  what  I  conceive 
to  be  a  more  appropriate  coat  of  arms  than  that — derived  from  the  pur- 
suits, the  character  for  industry,  and  the  business  habits  of  the  people, 
together  with  the  great  sources  of  their  wealth,  ana  continued  prosperity. 
When  distant  as  much  as  twelve  miles  from  your  city,  I  could  distinguish 
a  dark  and  almost  fixed  cloud  of  coal  smoke.  I  have  since  heard  that 


(8) 

many  of  you  are  much  interested  in  efforts  to  overcome  this  dark  cloud 
resting  over  your  otherwise  beautiful  city ;  and  that  your  government 
have  been  considering  the  propriety  of  adopting  some  plan,  in  order  to 
effect  this  object.  I  have  heard  this ;  and  I  have  seriously  thought, 
whether  it  would  be  proper  to  adopt  such  a  plan.  In  this  immense 
volume  of  coal  smoke,  rising,  as  it  were,  to  heaven,  and  striking  the  view 
of  the  beholder  at  so  great  a  distance,  what  is  indicated  ?  What  does  it 
mean?  It  at  once  informs  the  mind  of  the  rising  prosperity,  and  wealth, 
and  importance  of  the  "  Iron  City,"  and  indicates  the  two  great  sources 
whence  that  wealth  and  importance  are  derived.  It  points,  also,  to  the 
most  appropriate  things  which  may  be  woven  into  a  new  coat  of  arms  for 
your  city.  These  great  sources  of  wealth  are  coal  and  iron.  In  the 
formation  of  a  new  coat  of  arms,  suppose  you  were  to  adopt  for  its  sup- 
porters two  columns  of  smoke.  Let  its  crest  also  be  a  cloud  of  coal 
smoke ;  and  the  base  on  which  to  rest  the  columns  may  be  of  coal  and 
iron  ore — the  latter  in  the  process  of  being  smelted,  and  the  supporters 
and  the  crest  of  your  coat  of  .arms  would  thus  be  truly  indicated,  and 
would  most  aptly  represent  the  causes  of  all  this  life,  and  activity,  and 
business;  of  this  wonderful  perfection  in  the  mechanic  arts;  of  the  beauty 
and  excellence  of  your  fabrics;  and  of  the  scene  of  prosperity,  unex- 
celled in  this  western  world.  This  mighty  volume  ought  not  to  be  de- 
stroyed. It  ought  still  to  remain  opened  before  you,  to  remind  your  citi- 
zens, and  all  who  may  visit  you,  of  the  sources  of  your  greatness  ;  and 
the  extent  to  which  you  are  prepared  to  go,  in  order  to  maintain  your  ex- 
alted position. 

I  am  pleased  to  see,  here,  all  the  evidences  of  highly  civilized  life — 
comfort,  intelligence,  and  the  greatest  degree  of  perfection  in;all  the  me- 
chanic arts;  with  edifices  that  would  do  honor  to  any  city  in  the  country. 
The  great  city  of  Philadelphia,  the  commercial  emporium  of  the  State, 
does  not  boast  so  truly  grand  a  structure  as  this,  for  the  purposes  for 
which  it  was  appropriated ;  and  in  addition  to  this,  there  were  manufac- 
turing establishments  second  to  few  in  the  country;  and  numerous  pri- 
vate residences,  embracing  all  the  essential  requisites  of  convenience, 
elegance,  taste,  and  beauty.  I  cannot  but  be  delighted  at  all  these  evi- 
dences of  prosperity :  and  am  truly  rejoiced  to  find  none  of  the  evidences 
of  that  ruin  which  had  by  many  been  so  confidently  predicted;  but 
every  thing  to  excite  in  the  mind  sentiments  of  pleasure  and  admiration. 
But  there  are  many  topics  upon  which  you  are  no  doubt  anxious  to 
hear  some  remarks.  » I  have  no  secrets  to  keop  from  the  American  peo- 
ple, in  relation  to  any  subject  claiming  their  attention.  Holding  a  promi- 
nent station  in  the  government,  it  is  of  course  expected  of  me  that  I  will 


(9) 

state  frankly  my  views,  on  all  subjects  which  their  servants  maybe  called 
upon  to  act ;  and  I  do  this  cheerfully,  without  regard  to  whether  they 
shall  be  generally  accepted  by  those  who  hear  me,  or  not.  They  are  the 
honest  convictions  of  my  own  mind.  If  they  shall  square  with  the  sen- 
timents of  those  who  hear  me,  I  will  be  pleased  :  if  not,  we  must  con- 
tinue to  disagree;  and  I  impeach  not  the  honesty  of  purpose  of  those 
who  differ  in  opinion  from  the  great  Democratic  party,  with  which  I  act. 

I  have  heretofore  given  expression  to  my  sentiments  upon  the  subject 
of  the  great  change  that  has  taken  place  in  our  revenue  laws,  known  as 
the  Tariff.  On  this  subject  one  may  speak  without  limit;  and  to  present 
my  views  on  this  point,  would  only  be  to  repeat  what  has  already  been 
said.  There  is  one  idea,  however,  that  may  be  advanced,  which  has  not, 
perhaps,  been  presented  as  often  as  it  should  have  been.  Many  persons 
suppose  that  the  late  Tariff  act  is  not  calculated  to  effect  that  good  which 
would  have  resulted  from  that  of  1842.  The  Tariff  of  1846  differs,  it 
is  true,  from  that  of  1842,  but  in  what?  By  a  reduction  of  the  rate  of 
duties  on  some  articles;  a  change  in  others,  fixing  on  them  a  higher  rate; 
an  abandonment  of  the  system  of  specific  duties ;  and  also  that  of  mini- 
mum duties.  It  also  provides  for  a  different  mode  of  collecting  the  duties 
on  imports.  Here,  then,  is  the  difference  between  the  two  laws.  There 
is  a  change.  This  nobody  will  deny.  But  it  is  still  a  Tariff,  and  thus 
gives  a  denial  to  the  pretensions  which  have  been  set  up  by  some,  that 
the  Tariff  of  1846  is  a  free  trade  law.  Every  duty  imposed  upon  arti- 
cles of  importation,  is  in  contravention  of  the  laws  of  free  trade,  and  goes 
to  protect  the  manufacturer  of  similar  articles  in  our  country,  and,  so  far 
as  it  goes,  is  a  direct  tax  upon  the  consumer  of  that  article,  for  the  benefit 
of  the  producer.  So  long,  therefore,  as  the  people  of  the  country  shall 
prefer  to  support  their  government  by  a  resort  to  taxes  upon  imported 
articles,  in  preference  to  a  direct  tax,  they  go  to  sustain  their  own  manu- 
factures, to.  the  exact  extent  of  the  amount  of  duties  collected,  whether 
that  amount  shall  be  thirty-six  millions  of  dollar^  or  only  thirty  millions 
of  dollars.  This  Tariff  is  not  one  according  with  any  just  idea  of  free 
trade ;  but  is  positively,  to  the  extent  of  the  duties  accruing  under  it,  a  re- 
striction upon  commerce.  + 

In  this  State,  of  all  others  in  the  Union,  the  subject  of  excises,  or  inter- 
nal duties  imposed  upon  merchandise,  had  claimed,  perhaps,  the  greatest 
share  of  the  attention  of  the  people:  for  the  citizens  of  Pennsylvania  had 
probably  most  deeply  felt  the  effects  of  such  a  system.  The  matter  had 
been  first  brought  to  their  more  direct  consideration,  as  long  since  as 
1794,  when  an  excise  was  laid  upon  whiskey.  The  result  of  the  law 
imposing  this  tax  is  well  known.  The  tendency  of  such  laws  had  been 


most  fully  and  fearlessly  presented  to  the  minds  of  the  people,  and  the 
subject  was  thoroughly  understood  by  them.  They  had  been  appealed  to 
by  every  consideration  connected  with  the  interests  of  the  country,  to 
support  that  system  ;  and  they  had  listened  attentively  to  these  appeals. 
But  the  interests  of  the  State  were  deemed  of  too  great  moment  to  be 
quietly  relinquished ;  and  they  were  contended  for  until  the  evil  was  over- 
come. To  some  extent,  the  appeal  thus  made  was  wrong.  The  people 
believed,  and  they  still  continue  to  believe,  that  the  more  constitutional 
and  the  least  obnoxious  mode  of  providing  for  the  wants  of  the  general 
government  is,  not  by  internal  excises,  but  by  duties  laid  upon  foreign 
goods.  So  long  as  this  shall  continue  to  be  the  policy  favored  by  the 
people,  commerce  must  continue  to  be  restricted,  to  some  extent ;  and  the 
assertion,  that  our  government,  is  a  government  of  free  trade,  is  therefore 
emphatically  denied,  by  the  very  laws  which  are  framed  for  its  continu- 
ance. And,  so  long  as  this  system  shall  be  continued,  commerce  must  of 
necessity  be  restricted,  to  the  extent  of  the  duties  imposed  on  foreign  goods 
for  the  support  of  the  government.  By  means  of  this  system  our  manu- 
factures will  continue  to  enjoy  protection  to  the  amount  of  every  cent  of 
the  revenue  from  foreign  goods,  which  compete  with  those  of  our  manu- 
facture, whether  that  amount  shall  be  large  or  small.  I  have  thought  it 
not  amiss  to  make  these  few  remarks  upon  this  topic — though  an  apology 
for  having  dwelt  so  long  upon  it  is  perhaps  due  to  you,  from  the  free  and 
full  discussions  which  you  undoubtedly  have  often  heard  and  participated 
in ;  and  I  therefore  pass  to  another  subject,  confident  that  your  own  com- 
mon-sense views  of  the  correctness  of  the  present  policy,  will  lead  to  its 
approval. 

Much  is  said,  of  late,  in  relation  to  the  manner  of  conducting  the  pre- 
sent war  with  Mexico.  The  subject  is  one  which  rightfully  claims  the  at- 
tention of  our  whole  country.  We  are  at  war  with  a  Sister  Republic,  with 
a  Christian  People,  whose  faith,  from  its  antiquity  alone,  is  entitled  to  our 
deference  and  respect. «  However  we  may  differ  in  relation  to  the  ques- 
tion of  the  war  itself,  every  good  citizen  must  desire  that  it  should  be 
brought  to  a  close  as  speedily  as  possible,  compatible  with  the  honor  and 
the  interests  of  our  country,  and  the  rights  of  her  citizens.  But,  while  re- 
marks are  made,  condemning  the  manner  in  which  the  war  has  been 
brought  about,  and  thus  far  conducted,  it  would  seem,  that  the  whole  sub- 
ject has  not  received  that  attention  which  its  importance  demanded.  It 
would  be  well,  at  least,  to  know  and  ponder  well  upon  all  the  causes 
which  led  to  it,  and  all  the  results  which  have  thus  far  followed  it,  before 
sentence  of  condemnation  is  pronounced.  And  what  were  the  causes 
which  led  to  this  war  ?  Some  contend  that  the  annexation  of  Texas 


( 11 ) 

the  immediate  cause  of  the  war ;  while  others  think  that  this  was  but  a 
remote  cause.  The  true  causes  are  numerous,  hut  the  principal  ones  may 
be  briefly  enumerated.  They  were  an  unjustifiable  capture  of  property 
of  American  citizens,  withholding  from  them  their  just  dues,  violating 
their  rights  without  even  an  offer  of  redress  ;  insults  almost  innumerable 
upon  the  flag  of  our  country;  and  a  direct  trespass  upon  our  soil,  and 
slaughter  of  our  countrymen,  Texas  had  been  annexed  to  our  Union. 
She  had  been  a  sovereign  and  independent  nation.  On  entering  our 
confederacy  we  were  bound  to  protect  her.  When,  therefore,  her  soil 
was  threatened  with  invasion,  our  government  sought  to  find  the  most 
effectual  means  by  which  to  overcome  the  meditated  evil.  The  brave, 
magnanimous,  patriotic,  and  long-tried  soldier,  old  ZACHARY  TAYLOR, 
was  directed  to  take  such  a  position  in  the  Territory  of  Texas,  as  would 
best  enable  him  to  protect  her  citizens.  Occupying  a  position  upon  the 
river  Neuces,  he  soon  ascertained  that  another  position  was  more  desira- 
ble, in  order  to  effect  the  object.  He  therefore  at  once  suggested  and  re- 
commended to  the  Executive  the  occupation  of  a  post  on  the  Rio  Grande. 
This  admirable  and  sagacious  recommendation,  was  at  once  complied 
with;  and  he  took  a  position  in  accordance  with  his  own  views  of  the 
work  entrusted  to  him:  and  upon  whom  could  the  administration  have 
more  implicitly  relied,  in  a  similar  emergency,  than  upon  this  old  and 
tried  patriot  and  soldier?  This  was  his  first  movement.  And  none  have 
forgotten  the  ever  memorable  8th  and  9ih  of  May,  1846,  when  he  was 
the  hero  of  two  battles,  equalling,  in  their  leading  features,  the  most  bril- 
liant achievements  of  the  Revolutionary  War. 

No  one  then  doubted  that  the  position  of  Gen.  Taylor  was  within  the 
limits  of  Texas;  and  while  upon  the  Neuces,  no  one  accused  the  govern- 
ment of  the  United  States  with  the  design  of  making  war  upon  Mexico. 
But  subsequent  developments  proved  that  the  advance  of  Gen.  Taylor 
upon  the  Rio  Grande,  was  not  only  proper,  but  actually  called  for,  by 
every  honorable  and  politic  consideration.  After  these  two  great  battles, 
when  some  property,  of  the  Mexican  General,  "Arista,  was  examined,  it 
was  f^und  ti^at-iie  \yjis  in  the  possession  of  positive  orders  from  his  govern- 
ment,-fa  ifta'ke  warttlpbn  the  people  of  the  United  States;  and  his  conduct 
for  some  time  previous  to  those  battles,  proved  that  he  was  engaged  in 
carrying  into  effect  the  orders  of  his  government.  This  single  fact,  affords 
a  sufficient  answer  to  all  those  who  charge  upon  the  present  admisistra- 
tion  the  act  of  beginning  this  war.  And  ho\v  has  the  war  been  conducted? 
Just  as  all  our  wars  have  been  conducted  heretofore;  and  as  they  always 
should  be — relying  upon  the  volunteers  of  our  country — those  who  feel 
that  their  interests  are  at  stake — for  the  defence  of  the  country. 


(  12) 

So  long  as  our  fellow-citizens  shall  sanction  our  present  policy,  all  our 
wars  must  be  conducted  in  a  similar  manner.  We  never  can  be,  we 
never  ought  to  be,  prepared  for  Avar.  Our  people  want  neither  large 
armies  nor  fleets,  except  when  their  rights  as  a  people  are  assailed,  their 
soil  invaded,  or  their  countrymen  slaughtered  by  a  foreign  foe  !  and  in  all 
cases  of  sudden  invasion,  the  constitution  has  wisely  vested  in  the  Chief 
Magistrate  the  power  to  prevent  aggression,  and  even  to  assert  our 
rights.  Let  us  see,  then,  how  this  war  has  been  conducted.  With  all  the 
difficulties  incident  to  campaigns  in  an  unsettled  and  hostile  country,  with 
but  a  handful  of  regular  soldiers,  and  the  preparations  to  be  made  for 
equipping  and  supporting,  and  qualifying  for  service  a  large  volunteer 
force,  we  have  in  less  than  eighteen  months  advanced  to  the  capital  of 
Mexico :  we  have  taken  several  of  her  most  important  cities  ;  we  have 
conquered  nearly  two-thirds  of  her  territory. 

The  manner  in  which  the  war  has  been  conducted,  is  only  fairly  to  be 
judged  by  the  results  which  have  taken  place  since  its  commencement 
and  which  may  yet  take  place;  and  therefore  what  ever  may  be  said  re- 
specting mistakes  that  have  been  made,  let  us  look  at  the  results,  and  we 
will  find  that  all  those  who  have  been  most  immediately  connected  with 
it,  are  entitled  to  the  highest  applause;  and  justice  cannot  be  fairly  meeted 
out  until  it  shall  be  brought  to  a  close,  and  all  the  circumstances  sur- 
rounding the  principal  actors  shall  be  made  known:  and,  that  it  should  be 
brought  to  a  termination,  is  my  ardent  desire.  What  more  can  we  desire? 
We  have  repelled  invasion ;  we  have  achieved  victory  after  victory  ;  the 
laurels  have  all  been  gathered,  they  have  been  all  gathered  by  our  brave 
countrymen;  but  the  gleanings  of  the  crop  now  remain;  all  else  is  ours, 
and  our  country's  forever!  I  would,  therefore,  again  say,  let  us  have 
peace.  The  majesty  of  justice — our  national  honor — the  rights  of  our 
citizens  have  been  vindicated;  let  us,  then,  have  peace.  But  how  shall 
this  peace  be  secured?  Is  there  a  man  in  the  country  who  is  willing  to 
inflict  upon  the  people  of  Mexico  more  of  suffering  than  they  have  already 
endured?  I  do  not  believe  there  is  one.  Our  only  wish  is,  to  obtain  from 
them  a  guaranty  that  we  will  not  be  insulted  hereafter,  and  that  our 
rights  shall  be  respected.  But  we  must  have  security  against  the  repe- 
tition of  injuries  upon  us.  And  to  whom  must  we  look — to  whom  do  we 
look  for  this  security?  We  look  to  the  government  of  Mexico  alone. 
We  ask  only  their  own  solemn  pledge  that  we  shall  not  hereafter  be 
wronged  with  impunity. 

How,  then,  has  this  war  been  conducted  ?  At  every  step  of  its  pro- 
gress, we  have  informed  the  government  of  Mexico  that  we  were  willing 
and  anxious  for  peace ;  for  the  acknowledgment  of  wrong  on  her  part, 


(  13) 

and  a  promise  to  wrong  us  no  more.  Even  at  the  gates  of  her  capital, 
tour  General  in  command  yields  to  the  impulse  of  peace.  When  he  might 
have  entered  as  a  conqueror,  with  banners  waving  and  drums  beating, 
amid  the  loud  howls  of  the  "  dogs  of  war,"  he  halts,  and  in  the  spirit  of 
a  negotiator,  tells  the  foe  "  we\vish  for  peace — will  you  cease  to  inflict 
injury  upon  us  ?  We  merely  wish  you  to  deal  justly  towards  us,  and 
then  we  can  be  friends,  then  you  will  find  us  more  ready  to  defend  your 
altars  and  firesides,  than  we  have  ever  been  to  inflict  punishment  and 
suffering  upon  you."  It  is  to  be  hoped  that  there  will  now  be  peace ; 
and  that  the  result  will  prove  beneficial  to  the  interest,  and  accord  with 
the  highest  sense  of  honor,  of  the  Mexican  nation.  There  are  surely 
none  who  wish  even  for  peace,  at  the  sacrifice  of  the  highest  interests 
and  the  honor  of  the  United  States.  This  is  my  belief,  and  I  hope  that 
such  will  not  be  the  end  of  the  Mexican  war. 

There  is  another  question  before  the  people,  of  great  moment,  and 
which  excites  a  great  deal  of  attention,  that  is  intimately  connected  with 
this  war.  If,  upon  the  conclusion  of  a  treaty  with  Mexico,  we  should 
come  into  possession  of  one-half  or  two-thirds  of  her  territory — what  are 
we  to  do  with  it  ?  This  is  a  question  of  difficult  solution.  Of  one  thing 
we  are  quite  certain — the  Yankees  will  in  time  overrun  that  portion  of 
their  territory ;  and  though  there  is  much  Mexican  blood  upon  it,  we  may 
look  to  the  period  as  not  more  remote  than  a  single  life-time,  when  a 
number  of  large  States,  stretching  from  the  Gulf  of*  Mexico  to  the  Pacific 
ocean,  will  be  distinguished  in  the  constellation  of  'our  Union.  The 
question  to  which  I  refer,  anticipates  the  acquisition  of  this  territory.  It 
is  known  as  the  Wilmot  proviso.  And  what  is  the  meaning  of  this  ques- 
tion ?  A  portion  of  the  people  of  the  United  States,  have  their  hearts  set 
against  the  extension  of  slavery  ;  and  there  are  scarcely  any  means  which 
some  do  not  deem  justifiable,  in  order  to  accomplish  their  purpose.  With 
a  large  number,  this  subject  is  no  doubt  a  matter  of  conscience  and  of 
principle  ;  and  they  assume  that  a  certain  portion  of  territory  is  to  be  de- 
rived from  Mexico,  as  an  indemnity  for  the  wrongs  done  to  us,  and  our 
expenses  in  the  war.  These  people  say,  that  if  we  take  this  territory, 
there  should  be  no  slavery  tolerated  within  it.  To  this,  another  portion 
of  the  country  object.  They  say  that  if  we  acquire  this  territory,  it  will 
come  through  the  toil  and  blood  of  the  country  in  common — that  of  the 
North  and  South  ;  and  we  are  not  disposed  to  say  that  this  territory  shall 
be  appropriated  exclusively  to  the  people  in  the  North. 

This  is  one  of  those  difficulties  which  have  surrounded  us  from  the 
organization  of  our  government ;  and  it  can  only  be  properly  settled  in 
accordance  with  the  Constitution  of  our  country.  Shall  we  be  deprived 

2 


(  14  ) 

of  the  opportunity  of  gaining  this  territory  ?  What  shall  we  do  with  the 
Wilmot  Proviso  ?  For  .me,  I  hold  myself  in  readiness  for  the  crisis, 
whenever  it  shall  be  presented — even  should  I  he  compelled,  from  my  po- 
sition, to  give  another  terrible  casting  vote!  I  shall  carefully  examine 
the  subject,  weigh  well  the  able  arguments  on  both  sides  of  the  question, 
which  may  be  presented  by  the  giant  intellects  of  our  country,  and  re- 
serve to  myself  the  right  to  do  as  I  think  right,  when  the  time  may  come 
for  action. 

There  is  but  one  political  course  which  a  man  can  take,  in  safety  to  his 
conscience — that  course  is  a  strict  adherence  to  the  Constitution.  That 
is  the  charter  by  which  to  determine  our  powers.  That  is  the  compass  by 
which  alone  we  can  safely  steer  our  political  barque.  If  you  can  ac- 
complish the  abolition  of  slavery  in  the  Southern  States  through  its  in- 
strumentality, why  do  so.  But  I  hope  there  are  none  who  would  do  so 
at  the  hazard  of  our  Union,  liberty  and  independence.  The  only  true 
test,  however,  to  which  we  can  submit  this  question,  or  any  other  that 
may  arise,  is  the  Constitution.  But  it  is  unfortunately  the  case,  with 
many  of  those  who  seem  most  interested  in  the  question  of  abolishing 
slavery,  that  they  are  not  much  governed  by  such  a  principle  as  this. 
There  is  a  something  above  our  Constitution,  above  our  laws,  above  our 
world  itself,  that  is  invoked.  These  persons  should  remember,  that  there 
is  a  means  by  which  to  accomplish  their  ends,  if  they  be  right,  much 
more  safe  and  sure,  than  that  of  destroying  the  only  safeguard  which  they 
have  for  their  own  liberty.  If  they  be  indeed  "sincere  in  their  designs, 
let  them  toil  on  until  they  shall  be  able  to  effect  such  a  change  in  the 
Constitution  itself  as  they  desire  ;  but,  while  that  instrument  positively 
prohibits  any  interference  by  one  State  with  the  institutions  of  another,  I 
could  hope  that  State  pride  alone,  if  there  were  no  more  liberal  and  gene- 
ral principle,  would  forbid  the  people  of  Pennsylvania  to  interfere  with 
the  peculiar  affairs  of  her  sister  Slates,  as  readily  as  she  would  resent  even 
the  appearance  of  meddling  by  another  State,  with  affairs  especially  her 
own. 

But  we  hear,  in  some  quarters,  much  talk  of  what  is  called  compro- 
mise. I  am  of  that  old  school  of  Democrats  who  will  never  compromise 
the  Constitution  of  my  country.  This  is  one  of  the  words  not  to  be  found 
in  that  instrument.  It  was  itself  a  result  of  compromise;  but,  once  hav- 
ing become  a  thing  of  shape,  of  life,  of  spirit,  than  all  compromise  was 
at  an  end.  It  was  a  settled  principle,  a  positive  rule — a  thing  which 
might  be  broken  ;  but  having  no  materials  in  it  which  were  capable  of 
being  bent.  In  it  are  to  be  found  all  the  provisions  for  our  government ; 
and  if  you  wish  for  other  provisions,  you  cannot  put  them  there — all  the 


(15) 

legislation  of  Congress  cannot  put  them  there — unless  in  accordance  with 
its  provisions.  At  the  time  of  the  admission  of  Missouri  into  the  Union, 
I  found  the  same  sentiment  very  generally  prevailing  in  some  sections.  I 
had  the  same  opinions  then  on  this  subject  that  I  have  now;  and  in  the 
midst  of  the  agitation  then  manifest,  there  were  many  who  could  not  see 
where  the  agitation  would  end.  Then  men  got  together  and  talked  of 
compromises,  and  made  compromises,  and  one-half  insisted  on  what  they 
had  no  right  to  ask,  and  the  other  half  submitted  to  that  which  they 
never  should  have  submitted  to.  Any  such  system  as  this  is  calculated 
gradually  to  undermine  the  Constitution.  Far  better  would  be  an  instan- 
taneous change  in  its  provisions,  by  Convention,  than  any  compromise 
whatever  inconsistent  with  that  instrument  itself. 

The  officers  of  the  general  government  are  awake  to  the  importance  of 
this  subject;  and  there  is  no  doubt  that  there  will  be  much  agitation  in 
both  Houses  of  Congress  upon  it.  In  the  Senate,  I  have  no  doubt  it  will 
be  examined  in  all  its  bearings ;  and  £  sincerely  hope  that  something  will 
be  found  to  arise  from  it,  calculated  to  place  our  institutions  upon  a  still 
more  firm  and  enduring  basis  than  they  even  now  are.  The  very  best 
thing  which  can  be  done,  when  all  is  said  upon  the  subject  that  may  be 
said,  will  be  to  let  it  alone  entirely — leaving  to  the  people  of  the  territory 
to  be  acquired,  the  business  of  settling  the  matter  for  themselves:  for 
where  slavery  has  no  existence,  all*  the  legislation  of  Congress  would  be 
powerless  to  give  it  existence ;  and  where  we  find  it  to  exist  the  people 
of  the  country  have  themselves  adopted  the  institution;  they  have  the  right, 
alone,  to  determine  their  own  institutions ;  and,,  as  the  matter  so  exists 
elsewhere,  they  are  not  to  be  condemned  for  its  existence. 

There  is  one  other  subject,  upon  which  I  will  say  a  few  words.  A 
great  convention  recently  assembled  at  Chicago  composed  to  some  extent 
of  gentlemen  from  all  parts  of  the  country,  of  both  the  leading  political 
parties.  What  led  to  this  meeting,  it  seems,  was  a  desire  to  see  whether 
something  could  not  be  done  to  change  the  face  of  a  measure,  which  has 
been  vetoed  by  the  Executive — the  bill  providing  for  the  improvement  of 
Rivers  and  Harbors.  Upon  this  subject,  the  people  of  the  United  States 
should  think  much  and  act  resolutely.  Our  first  inquiry  should  be,  Does 
the  Constitution  authorize  Congress  to  improve  the  navigation  of  Western 
Rivers?  Respecting  improvements  calculated  to  facilitate  commercial 
operations,  a  great  difficulty  has  been  to  find  what  Congress  might  do. 
The  subject  is  one  of  extreme  interest  and  importance  ;  and  is  likely  to 
claim  much  of  our  attention  hereafter.  It  has  arisen  under  that  provision 
of  the  Constitution  which  gives  to  Congress  the  power  to  regulate  com- 
merce with  foreign  nations  in  the  United  States,  and  also  between  the 


several  states  themselves ;  and  it  is  claimed,  with  great  force,  that  under 
this  provision,  the  right  to  appropriate  money  for  the  improvement  of 
rivers  and  harbors,  is  unconstitutional.  It  is,  however,  certain,  that  the 
American  people  are  destined  to  fill  the  vast  country  West  of  the  Allan, 
tic  ;  and  that,  where  they  go,  their  industry,  and  energy,  and  wealth,  will 
mark  out  roads -for  commerce,  which  will  require  the  attention  of  the 
government.  And,  if  there  is  no  constitutional  inhibition,  why  should 
not  the  West  partake  of  the  means  of  improvement  which  she  so  materi- 
ally aids  in  furnishing?  Why  should  the  Eastern  States  grudge  to  the 
Sons  of  the  West  a  portion  of  those  means  ?  Why  virtually  say  to  them, 
You  may  look  at  our  light-houses,  our  piers,  our  buoys,  and  our  break- 
waters ;  but  we  will  not  allow  your  rivers  to  be  cleared — the  beacon  light 
may  shine  forth,  to  warn  our  sailors  of  rocks  and  shoals  ;  but  your  steam- 
boats may  be  sunk  by  snags  and  sawyers — we  care  not !  We  have  had 
what  we  wanted,  what  we  needed,  for  the  protection  of  our  commerce — 
take  care  of  yourselves.  Such  distinctions  as  would  prompt  to  this  course, 
are  unworthy,  and  would  never  be  made  by  a  generous  mind.  If  the  con- 
stitution speaks  of  equality  among  the  States  and  the  people  of  the  States, 
?>nd  the  government  encourages,  as  it  has  done,  improvements  of  the  East, 
let  us  wisely  appropriate  the  public  money  for  the  benefit  of  all. 

Here  an  objection  is  raised.  We  will  be  constantly  liable,  some  say, 
to  have  the  most  gross  imputations  practised  upon  us.  We  will  be 
obliged  to  improve  every  little  creek  in  the  West.  There  is  no  necessity 
for  yielding  to  attempts  at  imposition,  if  they  should  be  made.  You  never 
do  so ;  for  you  examine  critically  what  is  the  character  of  the  proposed 
improvement.  Therefore,  you  need  not  refuse  all,  because  men  will  try 
to  impose  upon  you.  This  would  be  like  determining  to  be  blind,  be- 
cause you  may  be  misled ;  and  ignorant,  because  you  may  be  misinform- 
ed. Let  us  adopt  a  course  in  relation  to  these  rivers  and  harbors,  com- 
patible, with  the  Constitution;  and  such  as  has  been  enjoyed  by  a  portion 
of  the  country  since  the  formation  of  the  government, 

I  hope  to  be  pardoned  for  having  dwelt  so  long  upon  these  topics;  but 
as  I  have  very  seldom  enjoyed  an  opportunity  of  addressing  my  fellow- 
citizens  of  Pittsburg,  and  may  never  again  enjoy  that  privilege,  I  have 
thought  it  proper  to  give  you  some  general  views  upon  these  leading 
questions.  There  are  some  others  occasionally  referred  to  ;  but  they  may, 
many  of  them,  be  now  considered,  as  a  distinguished  statesman  has  term- 
ed them,  "obsolete  ideas."  Among  the  foremost  of  these  is  a  Bank  of 
the  United  States,  which  has  intellectually  descended  to  the  "  tomb  of  the 
Capulets."  It  is  not  now  necessary  to  conjure  up  its  ghost;  as  there  is 
hardly  a  man  in  the  country,  who  would  be  willing  to  sink  himself  be- 


neath  the  weight  of  sueh  an  undefined  mass.  The  same  may  be  said  of 
a  Protective  Tariff,  by  which  I  mean  a  Tariff  strictly  with  reference  to 
protection.  No  statesman  will  propose  either  of  these  measures  now. 

There  are  some  things  which  are  fixed  and  unchangeable.  Among 
these  may  be  mentioned  the  freedom  of  the  Press — freedom  to  circulate 
whatever  is  deemed  of  interest  to  the  people,  concerning  either  themselves 
directly,  or  their  servants.  Thi3  subject  was  fixed  by  the  occurrences  of 
1798;  and  on  all  topics  of  a  public  nature  it  will  remain  as  a  rule  abso- 
lute. Freedom  of  conscience,  or  the  right  to  worship  at  any  shrine  the 
believer  may  cherish,  is  also  one  of  our  fixed  principles.  Freedom  of 
personal  opinion  and  action,  is  also  an  unchangeable  rule  in  our  country, 
while  not  incompatible  with  the  laws.  So  likewise  remains  that  glorious 
structure  of  the  ancestors  of  the  American  People — the  Union — a  fixed 
and  unchanged,  and  unchangeable  fact,  which  nothing  earthly  can  over- 
come. Can  you  look  forward  and  contemplate  the  enduring  character  of 
your  country  ?  Can  you  believe  that  this  last  hope  of  all  men  will  not 
ever  remain  ?  Stand  by  your  glorious  institutions.  Cherish  them  as 
the  brightest  trophies  achieved  from  the  enemies  of  your  principles ;  and 
nothing  can  equal  the  futurity  which  the  American  People,  the  American 
Union,  and  the  American  States  will  realize. 

Mr.  Dallas  was  frequently  interrupted,  during  the  delivery  of  this  ad- 
dress, by  deafening  rounds  of  applause,  and  sat  down  amid  three  hearty- 
rounds,  such  as  the  Democracy  know  how  to  give. 


Extract  from  a  speech  delivered  by  GEORGE  MIFFLIN  DALLAS,  on  the 
invitation  of  the  Democratic  citizens  of  the  City  and  County  of 
Philadelphia,  on  the  4th  of  July,  1815,  nearly  33  years  ago. 

OUR  BATTLES  WITH    THE  ENGLISH. 

"Turning  our  contemplation,  fellow-citizens,  to  the  dispositions  and 
movements  of  our  armies,  we  still  have  abundant  reasons  for  pride  and 
exultation.  What  if,  at  the  onset,  the  buoyant  impetuosity  and  rash  in- 
dignation of  our  troops  threatened  irretrievable  defeat  and  apparent  dis- 
grace ?  What,  if  the  hacknied  regulars,  disciplined  by  time  and  callous 
from  experience,  baffled  the  immethodical,  though  lively  and  spirited  at- 
tacks of  a  patriotic  militia?  The  time  speedily  arrived  when  our  ears 
becoming  familiarized  to  *  the  clamorous  report  of  war,'  our  habits  ac- 

2* 


commodated  to  the  necessities  of  military  subordination,  and  our  tactics 
improved  under  the  direction  of  native  genius;  we  commenced  a  retalia- 
tion that  concluded  only  with  the  general  overthrow  of  our  antagonist. 
Bowing,  with  submission,  to  the  transcendant  elevation  of  the  Father  of 
his  Country,  we  can  remember  none  with  whom  we  might  rank  our 
JACKSON,  our  BROWN,  and  our  SCOTT.  The  almost  miraculous  rout  at 
New  Orleans,  the  decisive  victory  at  Erie,  and  the  tremendous  carnage 
at  Bridgewater,  have  conferred  everlasting  fame  on  these  respective  chief- 
tains." 

THE    HARTFORD    CONVENTION. 

"  While  thus,  under  the  directing  auspices  of  a  Democratic  administra- 
tion, the  ardent,  adventurous,  and  persevering  soldiers  of  the  United  States 
repelled  the  aggressions  of  a  foe  meditating  subjugation  and  marking  the 
track  of  his  career  with  'plunder,  rape,  and  fire-1  and  while  laboriously 
pursuing  every  national  object,  the  redress  of  our  injuries  and  the  vindi- 
cation of  our  honor,  it  is  somewhat  humiliating  to  reflect  that  a  dissatis- 
fied and  restless  portion  of  our  community,  adopting  all  the  artifice  and 
exhibiting  all  the  falsehood  of  faction,  prepared,  with  inexplicable  malig- 
nity, to  involve  us  in  the  distractions  of  separation  and  the  miseries  of 
domestic  war.  The  times  indeed  were  propitious  for  treachery  ;  and  an 
age  might  not  again  present  so  flattering  an  opportunity  to  gratify  the 
aspirations  of  party  ambition,  and  the  views  of  personal  aggrandizement  ; 

Waiting  'till  discord  havoc  cries, 
In  hopes,  like  Catiline,  to  rise 
On  anarchy  to  power. 

True  it  is,  that  by  dividing  public  sentiment  and  by  vilely  exaggerating 
the  calamities  of  our  contest,  our  rulers  might  be  embarrassed  in  its  pros- 
ecution and  the  safety  of  our  liberties  endangered  ;  true  it  is,  that  by  alluring 
our  enemies  and  alarming  our  friends,  by  discouraging  the  spirit  of  en- 
listment, and  ridiculing  the  seductive  charms  of  martial  reputation,  our 
government  might  gradually  have  been  compelled  to  sue  for  ignominious 
peace,  with  the  ruin  of  its  own  popularity  and  the  perpetual  dishonor  of 
the  nation. 

"  Though  the  arm  of  legal  authority  might  not  penetrate  the  secret  re- 
cesses of  a  convention  brooding  over  projects  of  confusion  and  silently 
canvassing  the  theories  of  self  constituted  statesmen,  mysteriously  con- 
cealing proceedings,  whose  aim  and  character  were  universally  under- 
stood, and  scattering  ambiguous  hints  among  a  misguided  people  ;  yet 
have  they  excited  indignation  enough  throughout  this  country  to  be  brand- 
ed with  lasting  infamy. 

"  The  canting  sages  of  Hartford,  fortunately  for  themselves  and  the 
land  they  would  betray,  were  left  unsupported  and  unsanctioned,  to  en- 
dure the  keen  ridicule  and  contemptuous  abhorrence  of  their  fellow-citi- 
zens. 

"If  the  desperate  leaders  of  the  opposition  should  ever  again  attempt 
to  benefit  by  the  dangers  that  encompass,  and  the  difficulties  that  embarrass 
the  government  of  their  country,  the  warning  example  of  the  Hartford 
Convention  may  arrest  their  career;  and,  if  it  does  not  inculcate  a  lesson 
of  moderation,  it  may  at  least  evince  the  prudence  of  selecting  a  more  fair 
and  honorable  moment  of  hostility." 


MB.  DALLAS  AND  THE  PRESIDENCY. 


The  healthy  tone  of  public  sentiment  manifested  in  various  sections  of 
the  country  in  commendation  of  Mr.  Dallas'  course,  point  significantly  to 
him  as  the  man  of  the  people  ;  and  the  numerous  public  demonstrations, 
throughout  the  Union,  in  favor  of  his  nomination  for  the  Presidency  in 
1848,  clearly  show  that  he  should  be  selected  as  the  standard  bearer  of 
the  Democracy  in  that  important  contest.  The  following  are  selected 
from  a  number  of  Democratic  meetings  recently  held. 


OUTPOURINGS  OF  THE  PEOPLE. 

Henry  County,  Kentucky. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Democracy  of  Henry  County,  Kentucky,  held  at 
the  Court  House  in  the  town  of  New  Castle,  on  Monday  the  1st  day  of 
November,  1847,  being  county  court  day,  for  the  purpose  of  taking  into 
consideration  the  propriety  of  holding  a  Democratic  National  Convention, 
to  nominate  candidates  for  the  office  of  President  and  Vice  President  of 
the  United  States  in  1848,  the  following  resolutions  were  read  to  the 
meeting,  and  after  being  fully  discussed,  were  unanimously  adopted: 

Resolved,  By  the  Democracy  of  Henry  County,  that  it  is  proper  and 
highly  expedient  to  hold  a  Democratic  National  Convention,  for  the  pur- 
pose of  nominating  candidates  for  the  office  of  President  and  Vice  Presi- 
dent of  the  United  States  in  1848;  and  that  we  will  abide  by  the  nomina- 
tion made  by  said  convention. 

Resolved,  That  justice  and  sound  policy  dictate  the  holding  of  said 
Convention  in  the  city  of  Cincinnati,  Ohio,  on  the  first  Monday  of  May, 
1848. 

Resolved,  That  we  recommend  to  the  Democracy  of  the  United  States 
the  name  of  Hon.  GEORGE  M.  DALLAS,  of  Pennsylvania,  as  a  suitable 
candidate  for  the  office  of  President  of  the  United  States  in  1848,  and 
that  we  recommend  Gen.  WILLIAM  0.  BUTLER,  of  Kentucky,  to  the 
Democracy  of  the  Union  as  a  suitable  candidate  for  the  office  of  Vice 
President  in  1848. 

Resolved,  That  the  proceedings  of  this  meeting  be  published  in  all  the 
Democratic  papers  in  Kentucky. 

Camden  County,  New  Jersey. 

At  a  large  and  enthusiastic  meeting  of  the  Democracy  of  Camden 
county,  New  Jersey,  held  on  the  2<id  of  November,  1847,  "  for  the  pur- 
pose of  placing  upon  nomination  that  faithful,  fearless,  and  tried  Demo- 


(20) 

crat,  Hon.  GEORGE  M.  DALLAS,  as  the  Democratic  candidate  for  the 
Presidency  in  1 848,"  the  following  resolutions  were  unanimously  adopted  : 

Resolved,  That  in  the  personal  and  political  character  of  Vice  Presi- 
dent GEORGE  MIFFLIN  DALLAS  we  recognize  an  embodiment  and  exem- 
plification of  the  cardinal  principles  of  Democracy ;  and  that  his  sterling 
integrity,  uniform  fidelity  to  high  trusts  reposed  in  him,  and  his  fearless 
defence  of  Democratic  principles,  entitle  him  to  the  consideration  of  the 
American  people  as  a  favorite  son  worthy  the  highest  office  in  the  gift  of 
the  people. 

Resolved,  That  his  bold  and  manly  advocacy  of  the  rights  of  the  la- 
boring classes,  the  prosperity  of  the  agricultural  interests  of  the  country, 
and  the  freedom  of  commerce,  centred  in  the  "  casting  vote,'1  place  him 
in  a  pre-eminent  degree  in  the  affections  of  the  people,  as  one  of  the 
greatest  benefactors  and  purest  patriots  of  the  age. 

Resolved,  That  we  do  now  form  a  political  organization,  to  be  called 
"  The  Dallas  Executive  Committee,"  for  the  purpose  of  carrying  out  the 
expressed  wish  of  the  Democracy  of  Camden,  in  the  nomination  and 
support  of  GEORGE  MIFFLIN  DALLAS,  of  Pennsylvania,  for  the  Presi- 
dency in  1848. 

Resolved,  That  in  thus  expressing  a  preference  for  that  distinguished 
citizen,  we  mean  no  disrespect  to  any  other  candidate  who  has  been,  or 
may  be,  named  for  that  high  and  responsible  office. 

Resolved,  That  we  call  upon  the  Democracy  of  New  Jersey,  who  are 
favorable  to  the  nomination  of  GEORGE  M.  DALLAS  for  the  Presidency  in 
1848,  to  hold  similar  meetings  in  their  respective  counties,  and  to  form 
c<  Dallas  Executive  Committees"  to  carry  out  more  effectually  their  views 
and  desires. 

Resolved,  That  we  are  in  favor  of  a  Democratic  National  Convention 
to  nominate  a  suitable  candidate  for  the  office  of  President  and  Vice  Pres- 
ident in  1843,  and  we  recommend  the  fourth  Monday  in  May  next  and 
Baltimore  as  the  time  and  place  of  holding  such  Convention. 

Delaware  County,  Pennsylvania. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Democracy  of  Delaware  county,  Pa.,  held  at  Lei- 
perville,  on  the  llth  of  November,  1847,  the-  following  preamble  and 
resolutions  were  unanimously  adopted  : 

Whereas,  The  Democracy  of  Pennsylvania  cannot  lay  aside  state  pride 
and  geographical  boundaries,  and  forget  their  native  state,  and  her  just 
claims,  if  ever  to  be  entitled  to  consideration  in  the  selection  of  a  candidate 
for  the  high  and  responsible  office  of  President  of  the  United  StaLes,  they 
feel  called  upon  by  every  consideration  of  justice  and  patriotism,  to  stand 
upon  the  broad  principles  of  the  Constitution,  as  well  as  their  natural  and 
reserved  rights,  and  declare  their  preference  for  the  man  whose  whole 
life  is  the  certificate  of  his  Democracy,  and  a  practical  illustration  of  the 
great  and  leading  principles  of  our  republican  institutions  ;  and  one  who 
has  given  unequivocal  evidence  of  his  statesmanship,  his  honesty,  arid 
his  devoted  attachment  to  the  great  mass  of  the  American  people :  there- 
fore, 

Resolved,  That  in  view  of  these  considerations,  we  respectfully  present 


(21  ) 

the  name  of  GEORGE  M.  DALLAS  as  our  candidate  for  the  next  Presidency ; 
an  unwavering  Democrat,  firm  and  steadfast,  and  an  eminent  statesman  of 
distinguished  talents,  the  friend  of  equal  privileges  ;  his  casting  vot%  giv- 
ing to  the  producers  of  the  Union,  the  equitable  revenue  law  of  1846,  has 
won  for  him  an  imperishable  reputation,  as  an  honest  recipient  of  power 
and  a  republican  statesman.  j3©DCTOft  jLibrST^ 

Resolved,  That  we  recommend  to  our  Democratic  fellow-citizens 
throughout  the  State,  to  form  similar  Associations  in  the  several  counties, 
and  use  all  honorable  means  to  secure  the  nomination  of  Pennsylvania's 
favorite  son,  the  American  statesman,  George  M.  Dallas,  as  the  candidate 
for  the  next  President  of  the  United  States. 

Northern  Liberties,  Philadelphia  County,  Pa. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Democracy  of  the  Northern  Liberties,  held  on  the 
24th  of  November,  1847,  the  following  preamble  and  resolutions  were 
adopted  : 

Whereas,  The  time  is  fast  approaching  when  the  freemen  of  this  Union 
— a  Republic  now  numbering  over  twenty  millions  of  inhabitants — will 
be  called  upon  to  cast  their  votes  for  the  important  offices  of  President 
and  Vice  President  of  this  .vast  and  increasing  Republic,  for  the  ensuing 
Presidential  term  of  four  years;  and  whereas,  we  hold  it  essentially  im- 
portant to  the  cause  of  civil  and  religious  liberty,  that  honest,  competent, 
original,  and  long-tried  friends  and  advocates  of  sound  Democratic  princi- 
ples, should  be  selected  for  our  principal  agents,  and  more  especially  for 
the  highly  responsible  office  of  Chief  Magistrate  of  the  Union  ;  and  where- 
as, it  is  the  duty,  as  well  as  the  privilege,  of  every  freeman  entitled  to  the 
right  of  suffrage  to  exercise  the  high 'prerogative  of  a  freeman  in  reality — 
in  other  words,  to  be  his  own  representative,  in  pursuance  of  authority 
conferred  upon  him  by  Nature's  God  and  the  Constitution  of  the  United 
States ;  therefore, 

Resolved,  That  in  the  exercise  of  this  inviolable  right  and  privilege, 
we  are  free  to  declare  and  proclaim  that  our  preference  for  the  Presi- 
dency of  this  Union,  at  the  ensuing  election,  is  that  of  GEORGE  MIFFLIN 
DALLAS,  of  Pennsylvania;  because  in  him  we  recognize  all  those  essen- 
tial qualifications  which  eminently  entitle  him  to  the  highest  honor  in  the 
gift  of  a  Free  People — that  concentrate  in  a  single  individual  every  ele- 
ment of  prosperity  and  happiness  within  his  control  to  dispense  to  others, 
and  a  spotless  integrity  which  no  money  can  purchase,  nor  no  captivating 
hypocrite  can  wheedle  from  the  path  of  rectitude  :  in  fact,  that  he  pos- 
sesses every  qualification  to  endear  him  to  the  people,  and  to  ensure  their 
confidence  and  support. 

Resolved,  That  whilst  the  patriotic  soldiers  and  sailors  of  the  nation 
have  been  achieving  glorious  victories  in  a  foreign  country,  Mr.  Dallas 
has  confirmed  an  act  in  the  Senate  chamber — his  casting  vote  on  the 
Tariff  bill  of  '46 — which  has  given  a  new  and  powerful  impulse  to  all 
kinds  of  trade,  and  which  will  fill  the  pockets  of  the  planters  and  farmers, 
and  increase  the  demand  for,  and  the  pay  of,  the  toiling  millions,  to  an 
extent  unknown  before  in  the  history  of  this  Republic. 


(22  ) 

Moyamensing,  Philadelphia  County,  Pa. 

At  a  meeting  of  the  Democratic  citizens  of  the  District  of  Moyanien- 
sing,  held  on  the  18th  of  November,  1847,  for  the  purpose  of  placing  in 
nomination  the  People's  Friend,  GEORGE  MIFFLIN  DALLAS,  for  the  Presi- 
dency in  1848,  the  following  resolutions  were  passed: 

Resolved,  That  in  GEORGE  MIFFLIN  DALLAS,  we  recognize  a  man 
worthy  of  that  high  distinction,  and  would  with  all  the  gravity  the  occa- 
sion demands,  present  his  name  to  our  fellow-citizens  of  the  Union,  as  a 
candidate  for  President  of  our  country. 

Resolved,  That  in  selecting  his  from  those  illustrious  names  that  honor 
and  are  honored  by  the  land,  we  have  no  sectional  feeling,  we  know  no 
limits  of  State  or  Country,  we  cast  disparagement  upon  none — but  we 
love  our  country,  and  we  know  our  man ;  we  know  that  threats  cannot 
appal  him ;  nor  great  expecting  hopes  seduce  him : 

That  neither  fear  nor  hope  can  shake  the  frame 
Of  his  resolv'd  powers  : — 

and  with  a  single  eye  to  his  country's  good,  a  mind  to  comprehend  it,  and 
strength  of  heart  to  pursue  it  he  will  in  that  high  place  advance  the  might, 
prosperity  and  glory  of  our  Union,  which,  though  not  of  a  century's  ex- 
istence, while  it  storms  and  subdues  Mexico  with  one  hand,  feeds  the  op- 
pressed millions  of  Europe  with  the  other — and  thinks  it  little. 

Resolved,  That  we  express  our  opinion  in  favor  of  GEORGE  M.  DAL- 
LAS, for  President,  subject  to  the  decision  of  a  National  Convention. 


THE  SPIRIT  OF  THE  PRESS. 

The  great  speech  of  Mr.  Dallas  recently  delivered  in  Pittsburgh, 
(which  will  be  found  in  this  pamphlet)  as  well  as  that  more  recently  de- 
livered at  Hollidaysburg,'have  been  hailed  with  approval  and  satisfaction 
throughout  the  length  and  breadth  of  our  land  ;  and  the  press  of  the 
North,  the  South,  the  East,  and  the  West,  point  to  him  as  the  most  suit- 
able person  to  lead  the  Democracy  to  victory  in  the  coming  campaign. 
With  such  a  candidate  there  can  be  no  such  word  as  "  FAIL/'  The  fol- 
lowing are  selected,  from  a  large  number  of  similar  notices,  as  a  speci- 
men of  the  spirit  of  the  press : 

From  the  Camden  (New  Jersey}  Democrat. 

THE  PRESIDENCY. — The  Democracy  of  the  Union  will  be  called  on  ere 
long,  to  present  to  the  people  a  candidate  for  the  Presidency.  The  choice 
of  a  suitable  nominee  will  necessarily  rest  with  a  Democratic  National 
Convention ;  but  before  that  body  convenes  to  select  one  from  the  several 
prominent  Democrats  now  before  the  country  for  that  distinguished  and 
important  post,  it  is  the  peculiar  and  appropriate  privilege  of  every  citizen 
to  express  a  preference.  We  are  prepared  to  do  so,  arid  present  to  the 
Democracy  of  New  Jersey,  and  the  Union,  the  Hon.  GEORGE  MIFFLIN 


(23) 

DALLAS,  of  Pennsylvania — the  present  able  Vice  President  of  the  United 
States — for  President  in  1848,  and  we  now  place  his  name  at  the  head  of 
our  columns,  yielding  only  to  the  decision  of  a  Democratic  National  Con- 
vention. Fifteen  months  ago,  in  the  State  of  Indiana,  we  were  the  first 
to  urge  the  claims  of  Mr.  Dallas  for  the  Presidency,  since  which  time  we 
have  seen  nothing  to  alter  our  then  high  opinions ;  but,  on  the  contrary, 
much  to  strenghen  our  favorahle  predilections ;  and  we  feel  convinced  that 
the  Democracy  of  New  Jersey  is  second  to  none  in  undeviating  devotion 
to  that  uncompromising  statesman,  who,  in  an  hour  of  great  responsibil- 
ity, manfully  performed  the  sacred  obligations  of  a  high  trust,  and  who, 
sooner  than  waive  the  duty  which  he  owed  to  his  party  and  country, 
would  "prefer  the  deepest  obscurity  of  private  life,  with  an  unwounded 
conscience,  to  the  glare  of  official  eminence,  spotted  by  a  sense  of  moral 
delinquency"  The  political  career  of  Mr.  Dallas  is  without  a  blemish. 
No  single  act  can  be  found  wherein  he  has  not  carried  out,  to  the  very 
letter,  the  views  and  wishes  of  the  Democratic  party.  Cradled  in  Demo- 
cracy, he  now  presents  in  full  maturity,  a  noble  specimen  of  the  purity 
and  integrity  of  correct  principles,  and  an  undeviating  scrupulousness  to 
the  adherence  of  the  rights  and  liberties  of  the  laboring  classes.  His  bold 
advocacy  of  all  the  leading  topics  of  the  day,  announced  in  language  so 
clear,  beautiful,  and  plain,  afford  a  striking  feature  in  his  character,  and 
it  has  been  very  pertinently  remarked,  that  no  individual  need  be  at  a 
loss  to  know  where  Mr.  Dallas  can  be  found  on  any  or  all  the  great  ques- 
tions which  now  agitate  the  community. 

The  country,  at  the  present  period,  is  the  theatre  of  unexampled  pros- 
perity. It  has  never  been  in  so  healthy  a  condition.  The  agricultural, 
manufacturing  and  commercial  interests  have  thrived  beyond  the  anticipa- 
tions of  the  most  sanguine  calculators  !  and  while  we  are  uttering  lauda- 
tions for  this  happy  state  of  affairs — proclaiming  joyful  tidings  of  the  suc- 
cess of  Democratic  measures,  North,  South,  East  and  West,  we  must  not 
lose  sight  of  the  fact,  that  to  the  "  casting  vote"  is  to  be  attributed  the 
crowning  glory  of  so  much  contentment,  happiness,  and  unparalleled  en- 
terprise in  our  midst.  That  the  mass  of  the  people  can  forget  the  inesti- 
mable blessings  which  that  "  vote  "  has  conferred  is  not  to  be  indulged 
for  a  moment.  It  stands  out  too  boldly  before  the  American  people,  a 
sparkling  jewel  in  the  diadem  of  Democracy,  and  he  who,  with  intrepid 
courage,  and  calm  consciousness  of  purpose,  decided  the  fate  of  the  Tariff 
of '46,  shines  even  more  bright  and  conspicuous.  Divested  of  all  extrinsic 
merits,  that  "  casting  vote  "  will  ever  live,  fresh  and  green,  in  the  memo- 
ry of  every  citizen,  which  age  cannot  efface,  nor  time  obliterate. 

The  decided  stand  Mr.  Dallas  has  always  taken  in  defence  of  the  Con- 
stitution of  his  country,  irrevocably  endears  him  to  the  people.  With  rev- 
erential dignity  does  he  approach  the  discussion  of  that  sacred  and  solemn 
compact,  and  with  what  scrupulous  exactness  does  he  defend  its  provi- 
sions against  any  and  every  encroachment.  As  a  bold  pioneer  in  the 
promuliration  of  Democratic  sentiments,  Mr.  Dallas  evidently  takes  trie 
lead.  Being  convinced  he  is  right,  he  does  not  wait  to  see  what  course 
the  body  politic  may  pursue,  but  firmly  and  independently  announces  his 
views  to  the  whole  country,  willing  to  stand  or  fall  by  the  correct  stan- 
dard of  public  opinion.  The  career  which  he  marks  out  for  himself,  i* 


**  unremittingly  onward  /"  keeping  pace  with  the  age,  enlarging  the 
sphere  of  general  benefits,  and  carrying  out  those  measures  tending  to 
elevate  the  real  Democracy  of  the  country  beyond  their  present  condi- 
tion. With  a  standard  bearer  so  devoted,  so  true,  so  pure,  and  so  Demo- 
cratic, the  party  can  rally  with  confident  success  of  a  Jacksonian  victory 
in  1848*  With  a  Democrat  of  such  lofty  sentiments  and  sound  views, 
the  Republican  party  will  sweep  the  country,  from  one  extremity  to  the 
other. 

From  Ike  West  Chester  (Pa.)  Jeffersonian. 

THE  PRESIDENCY.— Who  is  to  be  the  next  President  of  the  United 
States  ?  This  question  is  now  agitating  the  public  and  the  press  of  the 
two  great  parties  of  the  Union.  Since  the  October  election,  the  Demo- 
cratic presses  of  this  Commonwealth  have  taken  sides  with  energy  in 
favor  of  men  most  prominent  in  their  respective  estimation. 

The  present  worthy  executive,  James  K.  Polk,  Martin  Van  Buren, 
Richard  M.  Johnson,  James  Buchanan,  and  Lewis  Cass,  have  each  their 
friends  and  advocates,  and  their  names  already  float  from  the  heads  of 
Democratic  journals.  While  we  accord  to  each  of  these  champions  of 
Democracy,  that  honorable  distinction  they  unquestionably  merit,  we  can- 
not be  unmindful  of  the  fact,  that  in  the  hearts  of  the  Democrats  of  this 
section,  the  hero  of  the  " casting  vote"  holds  a  prominent  and  abiding 
place.  It  is  apparent  to  us,  from  the  intercourse  which  our  position 
favors,  that  he  is  destined  to  higher  rewards.  The  casting  vote  of  GEORGE 
M.  DALLAS,  of  itself,  shows  a  discrimination  and  a  firmness  of  purpose, 
deserving  of  the  highest  encomium  from  the  American  people.  Cast,  as 
it  was,  amid  the  threats  of  opponents,  and  the  wavering  of  friends,  it  was 
worthy  the  "  responsibility  "  of  a  Jackson. 

We  are  now  reaping  the  benefits  of  that  vote,  in  agricultural,  mechan- 
ical, manufacturing,  and  commercial  prosperity,  and  it  would  be  strange 
if  a  community  reputed  for  its  intelligence  and  generosity,  could  look 
calmly  upon  the  result  without  experiencing  a  thrill  of  pleasure  at  the 
mention  of  him  whose  foresight  and  firmness  have  secured  the  national 
blessing.  Federal  denunciations  and  threats  were  loud  and  deep  against 
him ;  gloomy  forebodings  croaked  from  Federal  lips,  the  prophecies 
were  rife  that  that  act  would  overwhelm  him  in  the  destruction  and  utter 
derangement  of  the  great  interests  of  the  country,  and  bankrupt  the  Trea- 
sury. How  triumphantly  does  he  stand  above  his  defilers,  in  the  prosper- 
ity which  abounds  ;  and  though  the  war  waged  in  Mexico  draws  largely 
upon  the  Treasury,  its  results  to  that  branch  appear  flatteringly  adequate, 
and  conclusively  prove  the  prophecies  and  fears  of  the  Federalists  to  be 
puerile  and  groundless. 

But  we  have  no  desire  at  present  to  press  a  eulogy  upon  any  particular 
act  of  the  Vice  President :  his  whole  career  stands  too  prominent  before 
the  people  of  the  United  States  to  justify  the  selection  of  a  single  act  as 
the  rallying  point  in  his  favor.  Upon  all  the  great  political  questions  which 
agitate  this  country,  he  is  open,  free,  and  consistent  with  true  Democra- 
tic faith  ;  and  we  can  say  with  entire  confidence,  that  should  he  receive 
the  nomination  of  the  Democratic  party,  he  would  rally  around  him  the 
united  support  of  the  Democracy  of  the  Old  Keystone,  and  of  the  Union. 


GREAT  DALLAS  MEETING  IN  PHILADELPHIA. 


An  immense  outpouring  of  the  Friends  and  Neighbors  of  GEORGE 
MIFFLIN  UrfLLrfS,  to  present  his  name  to  the  National  Conven- 
tion of  the  Democracy  of  the  Nation,  as  a  candidate  for  President 
of  the  United  States. 

The  Democratic  Citizens  of  the  City  and  County  of  Philadelphia,  favorable  to 
the  nomination  of  Mr.  Dallas  for  the  Presidency,  assembled  in  Mass  Meeting  in 
the  great  Saloon  of  the  Chinese  Museum,  which  holds  many  thousand  persons 
and  which  was  filled  to  overflowing  with  staunch  Democrats,  on  Wednesday, 
December  1,  1847.  The  "greatest  enthusiasm  existed  amongst  the  vast  assem- 
blage, and  the  most  perfect  propriety  characterized  the  whole  proceedings.  This 
demonstration  proves  beyond  all  doubt  that  in  Philadelphia  Mr.  Dallas  has  a 
fast  hold  upon  the  affections  of  the  people. 

HON.  ROBERT  M.  LEE,  Recorder  of  the  City  of  Philadelphia,  called  the  meeting 
to  order,  and  nominated  the  following  officers,  who  were  unanimously  chosen  : 

PRESIDENT, 
HON.    HENRY    JL.     BENNER. 

Senator  from  the   County  of  Philadelphia. 

VICE   PRESIDENTS. 

First  District. 
Thomas  Graham, 
Richard  Palmer, 
W  Sayre  Heysham, 
James  Enue,  jr, 
Charles  Murphy, 
John  Thompson, 
Henry  Hoover, 


Philip  Eleman, 
Daniel  Lafferty, 
Thomas  Manderfield, 
Peter  Logan, 
Banner  Thomas, 
Jno  McMahan, 
Thomas  S  Stewart, 
Jno  S  Thackara. 


Dennis  Mealy, 
Thomas  L  Smith, 
Aid  Jas  W  Fletcher, 
George  Fite, 
Peter  Lyons, 
Joseph  L  Smith, 
Wm  H  Knowles, 


Robert  Ewing:, 
Horn  RKneass, 
Francis   Cooper, 
John  Horn, 
Dr  Wm  H  Schmoele, 
Jas  McCary, 
D  C  Skerrett, 
Michael  Lawn, 
Wm  H  Horstman. 

Third  District. 
Jno  Miller,  7th  Ward,  N.  L. 


Second  District. 
Jas  McAnall, 
Saml  H  Perkins, 
Edward  Hurst, 
John  Hamilton,  jr, 
J  R  Vogdes, 
George  Smith, 
Chas  F  Hyneman, 
Wm  Curren, 

E  D  Ingraham, 
John  K  Murphy, 
Francis  Tiernan, 
Jobn  Birkey, 
J  A  PL-illips, 
Jos  Gatchel,  jr, 
Robt  F  Christy, 
Joseph  Snyder, 

LS  Burkhart, 
Jno  A  Bender, 
J  H  Fisler, 
Geo  W  Ash, 
Philip  Hoffman, 
Henry  Simpson, 
Geo  0  Runner, 


Gustavus  Remak, 
Jno  C  Smith, 
Wm  H  Smith, 
Jas  D  Wetham, 
Win  Bozorth, 
Jacob  Kennard, 
D  S  Beideman, 


Jas  B  Stevenson, 
Jno  Murray, 
Wm  Peirsol, 
Edmund  Bradshaw, 
Michael  Lawrence, 
Thos  M  Richards, 
Paul  S  Brown, 
Wm  Seybert. 


Henry  Leech, 
Michael  Sr.yder, 
Hugh   Clark, 
George  W.  Tryon, 
Jno.  Felton, 
E.  T.  Tyson, 
Samuel  Grice. 

Fourth  District. 

Philip  M.  Hagner, 
Benjamin  Crispin, 
Jesse  H.  Flitcraft, 
Athanasius  Ford, 
Nicholas  Brouse, 
William  A.  Lee, 

Paul  K.  Hubbs, 
Dennis  Lamont, 
Jno.  Stallman, 
John  Foulkrod, 
Frederick  Sorber, 
Philip  Duffy, 

John  Oakford, 
Edward  M'Gowen, 
J.  J.  Walters. 

Joseph  Severns, 
Jno  McKibbin, 
Aaron  Waters, 


SECRETARIES. 

First    District. 
A.  P.   Hesser, 
Isaac  P.  Whetstone, 

Second    District. 
Jno  F  Read, 
Chas  N  Rubbins, 
Jno  E  Baum. 


Wm.  M.  Riley, 
T.  W.  Hughes, 


Alex  E  Dougherty, 
Curtis  Grubb,  Jr, 


Franc;sF  Wolgamuth, 
Geo  Vonedia, 
Geo  W  Dewey, 


Joseph  Deal, 
Wm  Deal, 
Jacob  Collar, 


B  Franklin  Jackson, 
Peter  Baker, 


Thomas  H  Palmer, 
Geo  Shetzline, 


Third  District. 
Geo  W  Clark, 
Str-wart  Magee, 
John   Hentz. 

Fourth   District. 
Jno  O'Brien, 
Henry  Mather, 
John  Leech. 

The  President  upon  taking  the  Chair,  briefly  and  pertinently  addressed  the  meet- 
ing upon  the  ohject  for  which  it  had  assembled,  which  received  and  merited  the 
hearty  applause  of  the  vast  concourse  who  were  present. 

HENRY  A.  GILDEA  then  came  forward,  and  read  the  following  resolutions,  which 
were  adopted  with  great  acclamation  and  immense  cheering. 

Whereas,  The  Democracy  of  the  United  States  of  America  is  now,  under 
Providence,  the  strongest  and  safest  guardian  of  the  equal  rights,  progressive  im- 
provements, public  liberties,  and  private  happiness  of  mankind,  therefore  be  it 

Resolved,  That  the  Constitution  of  our  Country,  ordained  by  cur  republican  fa- 
thers in  order  to  form  a  more  perfect  union,  establish  justice,  insure  domestic  tran- 
quillity, and  promote  the  general  welfare,  is  as  faultless  as  human  wisdom  and  virtue 
can  make  it,  and  should  faithfully  and  unfalteringly  be  maintained  in  the  full  in- 
tegrity of  its  provisions,  limitations,  and  spirit. 

Resolved,  That  the  fundamental  principles  and  inseparable  designs  of  the  Demo- 
cratic party  are  to  shield  from  encroachments,  the  reserved  sovereignty  of  each 
State,  and  the  sovereign  power  of  the  people:  to  maintain  inviolate  the  constitu- 
tional and  legal  equality  of  the  people:  to  vindicate  the  religious  independence  and 
elective  freedom  of  the  People:  to  guarantee  the  liberty,  safety,  property,  and  pur- 
suits of  the  People:  to  check  and  frustrate  every  meditated  departure  from  the 
teims  and  stipulations  of  the  national  compact:  to  repel  every  approach  and  eradi- 
cate every  vestige  of  aristocracy:  to  stand  immovably  by  the  Freedom  of  Speech 
and  the  Liberty  of  the  Press:  to  uphold  the  dignity  of  productive  labor,  and  to  re- 
sist the  oppressions  of  contumelious  wealth,  to  emancipate  industry  from  the 
shackles  of  monopoly,  and  the  privileges  of  classes:  and  in  a  word,  to  preserve 
for  every  freeman  the  image  and  attributes  bestowed  by  the  hand  of  his  Creator 
upon  his  race. 

Resolved,  That,  under  the  auspices  of  the  Democratic  party,  whose  principles 
and  designs  we  have  sketched,  our  country  has  become  prosperous,  powerful  and 
happy.  In  two  wars,  in  spite  of  the  cold-blooded  "  moral  treason  v  of  Federalism, 
her  affectionate  sons  redeemed  her  soil  from  the  pollution  of  an  enemy's  foot,  and 
encircled  her  brows  with  an  unfading  chaplet  of  victory  and  honor.  In  peace,  the 


genius  of  Abundance  and  the  Divinity  of  Science,  have  walked  hand  in  hand  in 
our  midst,  diffusing  comfort,  contentment,  intellectual  culture  and  moral  vigor. 
And  though  the  storms  of  faction,  inseparable  concomitants  of  republican  institu- 
tions,have  fiercely  raged,,they  were  always  baffled  by  the  energy,  or  lulled  by  the 
truthful  persuasions  of  Democracy.  To  this  party  then  we  owe  our  allegiance; 
and  continuing  mindful  of  its  pure  creed,  its  generous  aims  and  its  blessed  results, 
we  solemnly  pledge  to  it  our  undivided  affections,  and  unswerving  fidelity. 

Resolved,  That  we  place  the  tariff  of  1816  in  the  foremost  rank  of  great  prac- 
tical reforms  achieved  by  the  American  Democracy,  founded  on  the  unchangeable 
principles  of  justice,  equality,  philanthropy  and  truth,  its  trial  has  been  instant 
triumph.  Like  the  rising  sun,  it  has  suddenly  dispelled  the  mists  of  a  protracted 
night ;  nor  is  it  possible  now  by  any  re-gaihenng  of  the  clouds  of  dark  and  explored 
fallacies,  to  overcast  "  the  casting  vote." 

Resolved,  That  we  heartily  congratulate  the  venerable  Sage  of  Lindenwald  upon 
the  reestablishrnent  and  salutary  operation  of  the  great  measure  by  which  he  marked 
his  adherence  to  the  policy  of  Andrew  Jackson;  a  policy  which  relieved  the  po- 
litical and  financial  movements  of  the  American  people  and  their  government  from 
the  incubus  and  corruption  of.  a  sordid  oligarchy  ;  which,  under  the  cairn,  easy  and 
conservative  workings  of  the  Constitutional  Treasury,  has  given  solidity  to  our  cur- 
rerocy,  exalted  our  National  credit,  repressed  the  fluctuations  of  our  exchanges,  and 
sheltered  our  mercantile  brethren  frcm  the  countless  explosions  of  bankruptcy,  now 
shaking,  as  by  a  series  of  earthquakes,  the  whole  banking  and  paper  fabric  of  Euro- 
pean commerce. 

Resolved,  That,  as  the  so-called  Mexican  republic,  urged  on  by  the  rash  vain- 
glory and  reckless  cupidity  of  her  military  chieftains,  after  long  despoiling  our 
trade,  insolently  treating  our  flag,  scornfully  rejecting  our  ministers  and  agents, 
imprisoning  and  butchering:  our  citizen^,  and  faithlessly  violating  treaties,  has  at 
last  forceu  us  into  war  by  officially  threatening  to  invade  arid  then  actually  invading 
one  of  these  States,  by  slaying  our  soldiers  and  attempting  to  surround,  capture  and 
destroy  an  American  army,  stationed  on  American  soil.  A  war  thus  unjustly 
and  violently  imposed  upon  us,  we  are  neither  the  dastards  to  shrink  from,  nor 
the  traitora  to  d-scourage;  but  with  a  fiill  reliance  on  the  justice  of  our  cause, 
and  the  tried  valor  of  our  troops,  we  exhort  our  government  to  persevere  in  its 
active  and  energetic  prosecution,  until  this  self-created  enemy  shall  sue  for  peace 
on  whatever  terms  we  may  please  to  dictate,  or  until  the  conquest  of  her  entire  ter- 
ritory shall  put  an  end  to  a  nationality  so  shamefully  abused  and  ignobly  forfeited. 

Resolved.  That  the  people  of  the  United  States  have,  in  the  judgment  of  this 
meeting,  suffered  too  long  and  too  much  under  the  irresponsible  tyranny  and  de- 
morali/ing  influences  of  incorporated  combinations,  whose  charters  are  construed 
into  partial  grants  of  sovereign  powers,  and  are  held  to  vest  irreclaimable  rights  ; 
that  such  combinations  are  hostile  to  progressive  republicanism,  tending  to  con- 
centrate dangerously  the  coercive  faculties  of  capital,  to  sap  tue  freedom  of  intel- 
ligent opinion,  and  to  produce  practical  subserviency  and  dependence. 

Resolved,  That  in  order  to  keep  each  generation  of  American  citizens  up  to  the 
standard  and  the  exigencies  of  their  political  institutions,  too  much  attention  cannot 
be  bestowed  on  the  subject  of  Education  ;  t  that  to  cultivate  the  mind  and  en- 
lighten the  consc'<ence,  are  essential  to  the  public  functions  and  social  morals  of  a 
people,  from  the  hollows  of  whose  hands  flow  all  the  streams  of  government  and 
power,  and  that  to  attain  these  vital  objects,  such  changes  should  be  voluntarily  and 
gradually  effected  in  the  hours  of  actual  labor,  as  may  secure  to  the  toiling  and  un- 
tiring millions  the  moments  necessary  for  intellectual  improvement,  religious 
study,  and  all  the  varied  and  sacred  obligations  of  domestic  duty. 

And  whereas,  the  recent  political  events  in  Pennsylvania  have  rendered  her  and 
her  citizens  objects  of  (he  special  attention  of  the  rest  of  the  States  ;  hence  it  is  in- 
cumbent upon  us  to  look  to  the  importance  of  our  position,  and  wisely  determine 
the  most  substantial  policy  essential  to  the  permanancv  of  the  great  j#inciples  we 
have  set  forth,  of  which  our  Commonwealth  has  proved  herself  the  zea.'ous  and 
successful  champion. 

And  whereas,  her  leading  sons  have  also  become  th?  landmarks  of  the  times,  en- 
deared to  the  people  by  a  uniform  and  consistent  allegiance  to  truth,  self,  becoming  a 
•heerf  ul  sacrifice  in  behalf  of  the  country  arid  her  institutions.  Therefore  be  it  further 


v  *>»  ; 

Resolved,  That  Pennsylvania,  in  the  last  October  election  has  not  only  more 
than  sustained  her  well  established  reputation  for  faithful  adherence  to  Democratic 
principles,  bur  has  proved  her  title  to  the  abiding  confidence  of  the  Nation. 

Resolved,  That  the  integrity  of  the  State  administration,  and  its  scrupulous  devo- 
tion to  the  cardinal  doctrines  of  Democracy,  elicited  the  late  overwhelming  appro- 
bation of  our  citizens,  in  vindication  of  the  character  and  course  of  Governor 
Shunk,  and  of  the  General  Administration,  from  the  treasonable  assaults  of  the 
Federal  press. 

Resolved,  That  as  the  Hon.  G.  M.  Dallas,  in  the  Senate,  fearlessly  threw  him- 
self into  the  breach,  and  saved  the  vital  pol'cy  of  the  Union  from  the  greedy  rapa- 
city of  the  money-monger,  so  the  vetoes  of  Gov.  Shunk  rescued  the  Slate  from  the 
destructive  clutch  of  incorporated  monopolies,  and  our  people  have  a'*  ipted  the 
Casting  Vote  and  Vetoes  as  their  lights  and  landmarks,  under  whose  genial  and 
inspiring  influence  they  sent  up  the  shout  of  triumph. 

Resolved,  That  Vice  President  Dallas,  by  his  uniform  and  consistent  democracy, 
by  the  sterling  virtues  which  he  inherited  from  his  distinguished  father,  by  his  bold 
and  determined  defence  of  the  fundamental  truths  we  all  profess,  has  rendered 
himself  the  favorite  of  his  native  State,  and  we  look  upon  him  as  the  prominent 
Standard  bearer  of  the  great  principles  of  progressive  Democracy;  as  the  represen- 
tative of  the.  whole  Union,  he  has  proved  a  most  able  and  resolute  Statesman, 
and  worthy  of  the  trust  of  our  party  in  its  darkest  hour  of  need  ;  and  as  his  disin- 
terested, self-sacrificing  devotion  to  truth,  and  to  the  great  interest  of  the  Ameri- 
can Republic,  has  rendered  him  an  object  for  the  attacks  of  the  corrupt  vampires 
of  Federalism,  it  becomes  our  duty,  in  accordance  with  the  spirit  of  the  preceding 
resolution,  to  present  for  the  consideration  of  the  Democracy  of  these  United  States, 
the  name  of  GEORGE  MIFFL1N  DALLAS,  as  a  candidate  for  the  highest  office 
in  their  gift,  and  to  suggest  an  immediate  arid  thorough  organization  in  each  of  the 
States. 

Resolved,  That  in  thus  manifesting  our  preference  for  one  of  our  distinguished 
fellow-citizens,  we  desire  distinctly  to  disclaim  any  want  of  respect  and  attachment 
for  others  devoted  to  the  great  cause  of  Democracy,  to  vrhich  he  has  given  his 
whole  life.  We  know  it  to  be  in  strict  harmony  with  the  feelings  and  principlesof 
our  adopted  champion  to  cultivate  by  a  sacrifice  4of  every  personal  and  minor  con- 
sideration a  cordial  union  in  maintenance  of  the  great  popular  cause  of  American 
Institutions. 

Resolved,  That  we  are  in  favor  of  adhering  to  the  established  usage  of  a  Demo- 
cratic National  Convention  in  May,  18-18,  and  that  while  we  entertain  the  hope  that 
our  favorite  fellow-citizen  may  receive  its  nomination,  we  will  cheerfully  abide 
any  result  of  its  proceedings,  and  will  give  our  hearty  support  to  the  candidates 
regularly  nominated  by  that  body. 

E.  B.  Sclmabel  being  loudly  called  for  made  his  appearance  upon  the  stage, 
when  he  was  most  cordially  received.  His  speech  was  well  timed  and  to  the 
point;  he  spoke  with  more  feeling  and  eloquence  than  upon  any  former  occasion. 

He  was  followed  by  E.  A.  Penniman,  who  addressed  the  meeting  with  great 
power  and  energy;  he  was  listened  to  with  marked  attention. 

B.  Champneys,  Attorney  General  of  the  State,  being  loudly  called  for,  responded 
to  it  in  a  speech  of  great  force,  beauty,  arid  sound  political  principles. 

Gustavus  Remak,  a  sound  German  Democrat,  spoke  with  more  than  his  usual 
eloquence,  and  urged  upon  all  to  exert  themselves  to  secure  the  nomination  of  our 
distinguished  citizen. 

Horn  R.  Kneass  made  a  most  admirable  speech,  and  fully  maintained  his  repu- 
tation as  a  speaker  and  a  sound  Democrat. 

W.    D.  Hbrnes    closed  the  speaking  and  was  listened  to  with  pleasure  by  all. 

Letters  were  read  from  Adj.  Gen.Geo.  W.  Bowman,  Gen.  John  H.  Hobart,  Hon. 
Greo.  R.  McFarlane,  Samuel  H.  1  ate,  Esq  ,  Jesse  W.  Griffiths,  Esq.,  and  other 
distinguished  citizens  of  the  State,  heartily  approving  the  movement,  and  regretting 
their  inability  to  attend  the  meeting. 


